Nt Was There Consensus In Post War British Politics Politics Essay

Nt Was There Consensus In Post War British Politics Politics Essay In the context of politics, the term consensus can be defined as a broad agreement exists between parties on important areas of policy  [1]  . Despite first being used as early as the 1950s, the word consensus came to prominence in 1975 when Paul Addison used it to describe the perceived similarities in the goals and policies of the alternating Labour and Conservative governments in the post-war period. The end of World War II was arguably a catalyst for the implementation of ideas  [2]  which had been building for decades prior to the outbreak of war. However, the supposed consensus which existed began to disintegrate in the late 1970s. Commentators, including Brian Harrison, have pinned its demise to 1975 and the appointment of Margaret Thatcher as Conservative party leader due to her struggle (against) those who pursued consensus  [3]  . Crucially, the notion of consensus has not been met with universal acceptance; historians, including Pimlott, have suggested it was a myth, proposing that consensus is a mirage; an illusion that rapidly fades the closer one gets to it  [4]  . In spite of this however, it will be argued that there was indeed agreement between the major parties on fundamental issues. However, the parties often differed in terms of attitude and approach, thus suggesting that consensus is too strong a word to describe this period. Concurring with Hennessy that post-war settlement  [5]  is perhaps a more appropriate description, this essay will take a thematic approach, assessing the degree of consensus in regard to three key areas: economic policy; social policy; and finally foreign and defence policy. Perhaps the most significant area in which to measure the extent of political consensus is through the assessment of economic policy in the post-war period. Public ownership is an area in which, ideologically at least, Labour and the Conservatives should have had divergent views. However, during the late 1940s, coal, gas, electricity, iron and steel were all nationalised and, by the early 1950s, 20 per cent of industry and commerce was state-controlled  [6]  . Crucially, it was a Labour government responsible for the nationalisation statues in the 1940s while the Conservatives remained opposed to such measures, pledging to reverse the statutes and return industry to the private sector. Whilst such plans were never realised, it would be too simplistic to make the assumption that this meant a consensus had been reached. Rather, a convincing case can be made to suggest that a compromise, as opposed to agreement, was reached, with the Conservatives accepting public ownership unwillin gly  [7]  because they sought to avoid causing further disruption. However unwilling the Conservatives may have been, it is clear that, at least until the early 1970s, public ownership remained a point of consensus between the two main parties; the only significant change in this field occurred in 1964 with the renationalisation of iron and steel by Wilsons Labour government. Moreover, strategy towards employment is arguably another key aspect of post-war economic policy which initially points towards a consensus between the two main parties. Following the mass unemployment which characterised the inter-war period, the Second World War virtually eradicated this problem. Understandably, both Labour and the Conservatives sought to maintain this at the end of the war, as outlined in the White Paper on Employment in 1944 which stated that the maintenance of a high and stable level of employment  [8]  would be a key priority for post-war governments. The belief in Keynesianism and commitment to full employment was maintained for three decades, with unemployment averaging less than 3 per cent between 1945 and 1970  [9]  . Whilst at first this appears to be a clear indicator of consensus, a strong case can be made to suggest that both parties were motivated by pragmatism, believing that full employment was good politics  [10]  as it kept morale high and people in work, thus increasing their likelihood of re-election. Furthermore, it is clear that the Conservatives were arguably reluctant partners in the commitment to full employment. Whilst Labour declared its support for introducing measures in the private sector to help achieve full employment, the Conservatives showed a greater degree of reticence. Throughout the 1950s, the Conservatives pledged only to maintain  [11]  present policy, with Kavanagh suggesting this was merely an attempt to live down their reputation as the party of unemployment in the 1930s  [12]  . Subtly, this suggests that the only real source of consensus was in the rhetoric of both parties who both claimed to be advocates of Keynesian economics despite, however, speaking it with different accents and differing emphasis  [13]  . What is more, a third significant aspect of economic policy which, on the surface, suggests a strong degree of consensus in the post-war period concerns trade unions. Perhaps somewhat surprisingly, trade unions retained their important role in politics for another thirty years after the Labour defeat in 1951 because, as Peter Dorey asserts, both parties accepted the desirability of working with, rather than against  [14]  trade unions. Demonstrating the extent of the consensus, in the late 1940s, the Conservative party asserted its acceptance of, and commitment to  [15]  trade unionism. A convincing case can be made to suggest that both parties had converging views on trade unions because they appreciated the symbiotic relationship between government and the unions. The avoidance of the 1953 railway strike is a prime example of this; the strike was prevented following close negotiations between the government and National Union of Railwaymen, demonstrating what could be achie ved by close co-operation between the two  [16]  . However, it is important to assess the nature of the perceived consensus. Significantly, trade unions have been described by the likes of the historian Matthias Matthijs as Labours paymasters  [17]  due to the large proportion of party funding they provided. In contrast, the Conservatives were independent from the trade unions and were, thus, more critical of trade unionism, seeking to reform the way in which unions functioned. Therefore, it is clear that, despite sharing the same fundamental belief in the importance of trade unions, both parties had differing attitudes and approaches as a result of their conflicting interests. A further key area, which is essential to discuss in order to assess the extent to which there was a consensus in post-war British politics, is social policy, with particular reference to the National Health Service, welfare, and education. A strong argument can be made to support the assertion that there was indeed a great deal of consensus between the two main parties regarding the welfare state. By the fall of the Labour government in 1951, the foundations were arguably complete but, crucially, if the newly-elected Conservative government had reversed Labours plans, the NHS and welfare state would not have come into existence. The very fact that the Conservatives chose to continue with Labours plans implies a mutual appreciation and acceptance of the key principles  [18]  which underpinned welfare provision. In fact, every government, regardless of party, committed to maintaining and improving  [19]  the welfare state, except for the Heath government between 1970 and 1972. Moreover, following the publication of the Beveridge Report in 1942, it is plausible to suggest that the NHS and welfare state represented more than simply a consensus on policy; instead, the report arguably profoundly influenced both parties and subtly suggests a consensus in their beliefs and principles. This assertion is supported by the likes of Rodney Lowe, who argues that there was now an understanding that government could assume a positive  [20]  role in improving the lives of its citizens. However, despite evidence of a strong, universal commitment to the welfare state between 1945 and 1974, there is evidence of greater divergence between the two parties over time, particularly with regards to the provision of social services and education. Crucially, in the 1960s, elements within the Conservative party began to doubt  [21]  the concept of universal welfare provision, believing instead that selectivity would both reduce welfare spending whilst also targetting those who needed help most. These divisions continued to grow throughout the 1960s and early 1970s as right-wing Conservatives began claim(ing) that high levels of welfare spending were (à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦) undermining the economy  [22]  . Similarly, with regard to education, on the surface at least, this appeared to be a source of consensus; the Education Act of 1944 was conceived by the Conservatives but enacted by Labour, suggesting a common vision for secondary education in Britain. However, as noted by N ick Ellison, there was conflict between the two parties regarding comprehensive and private education. The division on this issue highlights the fundamental ideological differences which existed between Labour and the Conservatives; Labours egalitarian perspective contrasted markedly with Conservative education policy  [23]  . Significantly, this illustrates the limitations of consensus, suggesting that party ideology was not compromised in the name of consensus. Finally, a third broad area which requires discussion in order to determine the extent to which there was a consensus in post-war British politics is foreign and defence policy, with particular reference to Europe, decolonisation and the British Commonwealth. The debate surrounding European integration can be seen, on the surface at least, as evidence of consensus in the post-war period. Throughout the 1950s, both parties remained opposed  [24]  to various ventures, including the formation of the Coal and Steel community in 1950 and, later in 1954, the establishment of a European Defence Community. However, by the 1960s, both parties simultaneously came to accept that joining the European Economic Community was the best way to protect British interests  [25]  . Crucially, the issue of European integration highlights an important feature of the consensus; whilst governments of both parties shared the same views on European integration, this was not necessarily representative o f the opinions of party members, thus stressing the elitist nature of consensus politics and its divorce from party opinion  [26]  . Furthermore, the policy of decolonisation, achieved through the granting of independence to colonies and the subsequent transition to a Commonwealth, marked a clear departure from the policies pursued by Britain prior to the Second World War. Despite the drastic change in direction, both parties appear, in rhetoric at least, to have shared a common vision for the British Empire in the post-war era. This is highlighted in their 1950 election manifestos in which both Labour and the Conservatives outlined their commitment to the Commonwealth and decolonisation. The similarity in the language used is striking; Labour outlined its desire to strengthen  [27]  the association between nations while the Conservatives pledged to and promote and support  [28]  the Commonwealth. On the one hand, this can be perceived as highlighting the true extent to which both parties shared a united vision for post-war foreign policy. However, manifesto rhetoric does not always truly represent the vie ws of the party. Anthony Seldon concurs with this, claiming that Labour was enthusiastic  [29]  while the Conservatives were more reluctant  [30]  about the prospect of decolonisation. However, there are several aspects where there is generally less debate regarding the extent of consensus between the main parties. For instance, both Labour and the Conservatives recognised the value of maintaining a nuclear deterrent and were also of the same view regarding the importance of both Britains membership to the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation and the maintenance of close links with the USA  [31]  . Thus, it is clear that, whilst there were key elements of consensus in post-war foreign and domestic policy, there are also several examples of disagreement. Overall, in assessing economic, social and foreign policy between 1945 and 1974, this essay has highlighted numerous points upon which Labour and the Conservative party have shared a common vision for post-war Britain. However, there are also many examples of disagreement and divergence between the main parties. Fundamentally, it is clear that both parties shared broadly similar goals and policies but differed in terms of their attitude and approach to achieving their shared vision. The key issue is one of semantics, however. Historians have differing definitions of consensus, making it all the more difficult to assess the extent to which there was a consensus in this period. If Addisons definition of consensus as a historically unusual degree of agreement over a wide range of economic and social policies  [32]  is accepted, then it is impossible to deny the strength of consensus in the post-war period. Crucially, as Seldon notes, the use of the word consensus can be unhelpful as it is ambiguous, with some historians referring to a consensus over policy  [33]  while others advocate the existence of a deeper, more profound commitment to a set of common beliefs and values  [34]  . However, despite the ambiguity of the word, the extent to which the two main parties agreed on fundamental issues during this thirty year period was arguably unparalleled. In spite of the disagreements which occurred, there were no major shifts in policy and the existence of a broad consensus, amongst the governing elite at least, is undeniable.

Conflict in The Child By Tiger Essay examples -- Child Tiger Conflict

Conflict in "The Child By Tiger" â€Å"The Child by Tiger† is narrated by a man who is remembering an event from his childhood. The story centers on Dick Prosser, who is a black hired hand for Mr. Shepperton. Dick is involved in several levels of conflict throughout the story.* These include intrapersonal conflicts, a conflict with society, and conflict with his environment.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The first conflict is very important in the scheme of the story, because it provides the necessary conditions for this kind of an event to take place. This is Dick's conflict with his environment. Although he is a free man, and seems to be very tolerant, Dick lives in a time and place where most people are less than friendly to black men, and do not see him as an equal. This becomes evident when the auto collision occurs, and the drunk man proceeds to assault Dick without cause, and without fear of retaliation. This is because he knows that a black man is powerless in the society of the time.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Society brings us to the second conflict, which is Prosser's conflict with society. One night, without warning, he begins a killing spree which spans the better part of a day, and spawns a fatal manhunt. His conflict with the society in general is characterized by his indiscriminate choice of victims. These victims range from a police officer to an innocent black man looking out his window, to several citizens who try to put an end to his madness. This conflict is stopped when the mob...

Educating the Public about the Other Genders

Issues about gender inequality and segregation have been dragging all the institutions, particularly schools and the workplace, over time (Blackwell, 2003; Albelda, 1986; Anker, 1998; Peace, 2003; Lester, 2008). At first, these issues were merely between men and women.Now, there are other genders claiming for equality with the two socially accepted genders. Unequal opportunities, violence, and social injustices against lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) are still subjects of other gender’s struggle nowadays (Sloan & Gustavsson, 1998).In addition, a number of arguments about lesbian and gay parenting, same-sex marriage and other familial rights tend to intensify other genders’ claim for equality, whereas in lesbian and gay parenting, the society is questioning their capability of serving as a role model of children at home (Hicks, 2008; Clarke, 2001; Hicks & McDermott, 1999; Nicol & Smith, 2008; Ghoshal, 2009).Gender critics and gender sensitive organizations are lobbying that if only the public has been educated regarding the existence and concerns of LGBT, then inequality and violence against these populations will be lessened and will be eradicated, if possible.The Other GendersInitially, there were two socially accepted genders: men and women. Now lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender are claiming acceptance from the society.   Many psychological, biological and medical studies are conducted to explain and analyze the other manifestations of sexuality among the two primary genders (men and women), yet the most widely accepted analysis is that of Robert J. Stoller which argued that,A person’s physical sexual attributes, mental attitudes and objects of desire could â€Å"vary independently of one another†; so that â€Å"a man with predominantly male characteristics and also masculine in his erotic life may still be inverted in respect to his object, loving only men instead of women† (cited in Glover, 2002).Such statement explains the psychological cases of LGBT; even if they possess the physical sexual attributes these populations tend to think and act the other way contradictory of what is expected of them being a man or a woman. School Curriculum and Gender StudiesThe growing numbers of LGBT at young age (10 years old and below) alarmed many institutions particularly those concern in education and health care. Gender critics urge the inclusion of a gender-sensitive curriculum in all education institutions since most of the national school curricula manifests gender inequalities which uphold a â€Å"hegemonic male† dominance within a State and around the world (Arnot, 2002; Marshall & Arnot, 2008; Peace, 2003).Previously, the courses being offered in all colleges and universities manifested gender inequality; for instance, there were separate courses for women and for men. Women are now entitled to take men’s courses and vice versa. Moreover, the titles â€Å"Baccalaureate † and â€Å"Masters Degree† connote the dominance of men in earlier education system.Also significant in the system of education is the prohibition of women to become school administrator not until the passage of 1972 Title IX of the Education Amendments (Meritz, 2006). It has been identified that the church is responsible for the patriarchal education and to the flight of women and LGBT for acceptance and equality (Pray, 1847). At present, LGBT are seeking their place in education curriculum to avoid gender preference being provided only for men and women.Homophobia in School and Nursing EnvironmentThere have been claims that education institutions are the best and safe place for LGBT youth, yet most studies conducted found that schools are usually a place of harassment where these populations are often victimized by peers and even by their teachers (Sloan, 1998).Many researches stated that most teachers and education professionals are not ready to address and affirm t he needs of LGBT people; thus, their heterosexual students are likely to show negative attitudes toward the LGBT population (Macgillivray & Jennings, 2008; Blackburn & Donelson 2004; Szalacha, 2004; Robinson & Ferfolja, 2001; Kozik-Rosabal & Macgillivray, 2000; Roffman, 2000; Casper & Schults, 1999; Petrovic, 1998; Maney & Cain, 1997).Analyzing the trend, studies also discovered that, compared to heterosexual women, heterosexual men are more likely to be prejudiced against LGBT (Herek, 1988; Ratcliff, Lassiter, Markman & Snyder, 2006; Bem, 1993).

Reasons People Are Homeless in Malaysia - 1301 Words

REASONS PEOPLE ARE HOMELESS IN MALAYSIA Homeless is defined as people who have nowhere to live, and who often live on the streets (Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English, 2008). Almost all countries in the world are facing this phenomenon. However, in Asia there is only one percent of people who are homeless (The U.S. Conference of Mayor, 2001). Do you think people in Malaysia are also homelessness? A 61 year old man, Lim Tian Swee who was mistaken for a beggar had confessed that he was homeless for about nine months and habitually napped at the Pasar Seni LRT Station with other hundreds of people there (Star Newspaper, January 7, 2008). This shows that Malaysians are also experiencing this problem. Unfortunately, it appears that†¦show more content†¦Thus, the rich becomes richer, the poor becomes poorer. Another reason people are homeless is running away from their problems. People become selfish to face or settle the problems and they just got to the last conclusion making the wrong decision by running away from home. There is also a story about a young man who failed to cope when a girlfriend, whom he loved, ended their relationship. He stated that he made a bad decision and decided to leave his job. He received bad advice from his friends. He left Johor Baharu and became a homeless person (New Straits Times article, May 17, 2008). When people think about running away, they probably imagine that there will be no more rules, no more fights and no more parents to tell you what to do. It sounds great and exciting but in reality, people who run away will face new problems like they do not have any money, food to eat, a safe place to sleep, or anyone to look for them. People who live on the streets often have to steal to buy food. Many of them take drugs or alcohol to get through the day because they become so depressed and feel that no one cares about them. 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